The project generated a set of qualitative data. In phase one, 50 biographical interviews were conducted with LGBT migrants from Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union living in Scotland. The interviews were semi-structured and covered themes such as: socio-economic background and place of origin; life as an LGBT person in the country of origin; motivations to migrate; experiences of migration and settlement; plans for the future. At the end of the interview, participants were asked to draw a sociogram (a diagram representing their most meaningful social relations); this was discussed in the last part of the interview; 49 sociograms were collected (one participant did not complete the sociogram). A selection of stage one participants were asked to take part in the second phase of the study. In phase two we collected 18 photo diaries; the task involved collating personal pictures (portraying objects, landscapes and people) representing their ideas of ‘home’ into a template provided by the researchers. Participants were free to submit pictures taken especially for the photo diary and/or old pictures. The format is either digital pictures taken on participants' devices or Polaroid pictures (camera provided by research team). It also involved conducting 18 follow-up interviews with participants who completed the photo diary, expanding on the meaning of and stories behind the pictures, and on some matters arising from interviews in stage one. Despite a growing body of empirical research focusing on migration and same-sex sexualities, this work has thus far mainly focussed on North America. To date, little empirical research has been conducted on intra-European queer migration, despite very uneven levels of recognition of LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) rights across Europe. This raises questions as to whether transnational migration can be a strategy for enabling non-heteronormative practices and identities, and for accessing sexual citizenship rights. The project explores how sexuality may shape intra-European migration through a focus on the lived experiences of LGBT migrants who have moved to Scotland from the postsocialist region [Eastern Europe (EE) and the Former Soviet Union (FSU)]. The project's geographical scope is timely, as comparative surveys point to an East/West divide within Europe in terms of policy, legislation and attitudes towards LGBT citizens, with the UK ranked among the most progressive European countries and most countries from the post-socialist region lagging behind (FRA 2013). Moreover, since the mid-2000s the UK has experienced high rates of immigration from the region, with an estimated 653,000 Eastern Europeans settling in the UK in the period 2004-2011 (Vargas-Silva 2013:4). A focus on Scotland as a migration destination can illuminate broader issues related to UK and intra-European queer migration, whilst also presenting a distinctive case, owing to: i) the significant recent influx of migrants from the post-socialist region to Scotland ii) the higher proportion of European to non-European migrants in Scotland compared to most other UK regions; iii) Scotland's recent shift from a country of emigration to a country with a positive migration balance; iv) Scotland's devolved government and specific demographic and socio-legal context within the UK, despite migration remaining a 'reserved' Westminster matter. This project provides an in-depth and nuanced exploration of the lived experiences of LGBT migrants, generating significant original data and fresh insights into the role of sexuality in the migration process. The project is interdisciplinary in nature, and draws on empirical, theoretical and methodological insights from sociology, area studies, human geography and anthropology. The research innovatively brings together theoretical frameworks previously used in isolation (intersectionality, transnationalism and personal communities). It combines biographical interviews (phase 1) with visual methods (photo diaries, sociograms) and follow-up interviews (phase 2), in order to capture the complexity of migrants' experiences, multiple belongings and emotional attachments. The research explores how sexuality and gender identity affect reasons for migrating, experiences of migration and plans for long-term settlement. It also contextualises migrants' sense of (dis)comfort, (in)security and belonging within the social networks they cultivate across home and host societies, and considers the role played by sexuality and ethnicity in shaping migrants' 'personal communities' (Pahl and Spencer 2004) and their engagements with them. While foregrounding sexuality and ethnicity, the research will also consider how other factors (such as socio-economic background, gender, nationality, migration status etc) may affect experiences of migration and resettlement. The research contributes fresh empirical and conceptual insights to topical debates in sexuality and migration studies on the role played by intimacy, emotions and personal communities in shaping migration and resettlement. The research also generated findings and outputs of interest to end users from the public and voluntary sector. This was achieved through a sustained engagement with a range of stakeholders working with LGBT, migrant and minority ethnic communities, or promoting intersectional approaches to equality and diversity agendas.

Methodology: A range of qualitative methods were used, including: Phase 1: 1. 50 biographical interviews. The interviews were semi-structured and covered themes such as: socio-economic background and place of origin; life as an LGBT person in the country of origin; motivations to migrate; experiences of migration and settlement; plans for the future. 2. 49 sociograms. At the end of the biographical interview, participants were asked to draw a sociogram (a diagram representing their most meaningful social relation); this was discussed in the last part of the interview. 2. Phase two: (1) 18 photo diaries; the task involved collating personal pictures (portraying objects, landscapes and people) representing their ideas of ‘home’ into a template provided by the researchers. Participants were free to submit pictures taken especially for the photo diary and/or old pictures. The format is either digital pictures taken on participants' devices or Polaroid pictures (camera provided by res team). (2) 18 follow-up interviews with participants who complete the graphic elicitation tasks above, expanding on the meaning of and stories behind the pictures, and on some matters arising from stage 1 interviews. Studied population: The project focused on lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender migrants living in Scotland and originally from a country in Central Eastern Europe or the former Soviet Union. Countries of origin included Poland, Belarus, Bulgaria, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Russia and Ukraine. Participants' age ranged from 19 to 49. Our sample included 24 women and 25 men (including one female to male transgender man), with one participant identifying as non-binary. Both the FtM trans participant and the non-binary participant identify under the umbrella term transgender. In terms of sexual orientation, 18 participants identify as lesbian, 19 identify as gay men, 12 identify as bisexual; our only non-binary participant identifies as gynosexual. Research participants were based in various locations across Scotland. The majority of them lived in the Central Belt, and most of them were based in Edinburgh (22) and Glasgow (9). However, a substantial number of our participants were based in smaller Scottish cities or in small towns. Sampling procedure: We used a range of strategies to advertise the project and reach out to potential participants. These included: (a) Advertising through a range of voluntary sector organisations and ESOL colleges (including via their newsletters and social media). (b) Online advertising, including posting ads on dating sites (e.g. Gaydar, Planet Romeo) and on social media spaces targeting specific national and language communities in Scotland (e.g. facebook pages such as Latvians in Scotland, Russians in Aberdeen, Polacy w Oban). (c) Leaflets and posters: these were left in specific shops, restaurants, pubs and community spaces (e.g. Polish/Russian/Baltic corner shops and spaces likely to be frequented by CEE/FSU migrants); LGBT and LGBT-friendly clubs, bars and pubs; relevant voluntary sector organisations; and public libraries. (d) Snowballing (‘chain’ referral by other participants) We produced advertising leaflets in a number of CEE/FSU languages and offered to interview participants in their first or preferred language whenever possible. This was done to make participation accessible to a wide range of participants, regardless of fluency in English. We also thought that some participants may be more comfortable talking about very intimate and personal issues in their first language. We offered to interview Polish and Russian-speaking participants in their respective language, as members of the research team speak these languages. In the process of recruitment, speakers of other languages were given the option of being interviewed via an interpreter or in English; however, none requested to be interviewed through an interpreter. The interviews were conducted in Polish (31 participants), Russian (5 participants) or English (14 participants). For more information about methodology and participants' profile see the project report,