The type of 'gig work,' already familiar to many workers through popular platforms like Uber and Deliveroo, is seen as a potential model for the future of employment. The gig economy blurred the lines between employed and self-employed statuses, with gig workers classified as self-employed, thus missing out on state support available to employed individuals. The project explored how labour market conditions for gig economy workers affected their financial security. It also examined the role of social security provisions in Italy, Sweden, and the UK. The study was initially positioned within broader debates on the increasing precarity of work and the evolving role of the welfare state in European societies. The data collection of this study was conducted between October 2020 and May 2021. 101 platform workers were recruited and invited to take part in in-depth interviews, which lasted from 38 to 119 minutes. Due to Covid-19, all the interviews were conducted remotely, using instruments that maximised participants’ privacy and minimised the risks of data breaches. To guarantee high-quality comparative material, the interviews were conducted by the PI of the project in English in the UK and Sweden, and in Italian and English in Italy, depending on the preference of the participant.Receive a request for a job through your phone, perform the task using your own facilities and get paid. This type of 'gig work' is regarded as the model of work for the future, but it is already experienced by many workers using the popular platforms of Uber and Deliveroo. Gig economy work blurs the division between employed and self-employed work, with gig economy workers being classified as self-employed and therefore being unable to access forms of state support available to employed individuals. This project explores the effects of gig economy workers' labour market conditions on their financial (in)security, and it investigates the role of social security provisions in Italy, Sweden and the UK. The proposed project originally situates the study of the gig economy within broader debates on the rise of precarity at work and the changing role of the welfare state in European societies. The project comes at a very timely moment given the current numerous national and European policy initiatives that discuss the gaps in state support for gig economy workers (e.g. from the European and the UK Parliaments), as well as the national protests of union workers occurring in the UK and across Europe. There are two broad narratives regarding the gig economy. The first sees the gig economy as an innovative and flexible model of work, given its capacity for allowing choice and autonomous work patterns and for giving workers the chance to top up their income. The second narrative underlines the negative effects of gig economy work on the financial lives of workers. Existing studies tend, however, to neglect the links between the work conditions and financial lives of gig economy workers. In order to investigate this issue, this project proposes to examine the real-life experiences of gig economy workers and understand both their motivations for engaging in gig economy work and the financial implications of gig economy work. Importantly, the study explores this issue by considering how the state and other forms of social protection influence workers' financial conditions. The project will consist of a qualitative research of three case studies (Italy, Sweden and the UK) where there has been a reported rise in gig economy activity. This comparison allows to find commonalities and differences in the financial experiences of gig economy workers across Europe, as well as to appreciate the intervening role of social security systems. This research will be methodologically cutting-edge due to its capacity of comparing European countries and its combination of different qualitative techniques, including policy analysis, face-to-face interviews and the use of an app to recruit participants and gathering gig workers' experiences.

Participants were recruited through digital advertisements, existing apps and, as a last resort, snowballing to maximise the demographic variation of the sample (age and gender) and have participants from a variety of apps. The average age of the workers in this convenience sample was 36, ranging between 18 and 65 years old, and the study used stakeholders and key actors within each country to guarantee the comparability of the qualitative material. To make the study sensitive to gender structural dynamics and address the usual lack of inclusion of experiences of women in platform work research, the study recruited a minimum of 10 female and male participants within each country. This was achieved in part by recruiting participants who worked in platforms with a higher representation of women: beauty (make up, massages etc); cleaning and shopping. The diversity of the applications across the three case studies reflects the different legal and economic contexts within each case study, and the study aimed to have a diversity of apps within each national context , which was reached through the final sample (see the files attached to this data submission).